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tv   Vice President Joe Biden Delivers Remarks at the National Urban League  CSPAN  May 19, 2016 8:45pm-9:35pm EDT

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basement is not likely to be your biggest concern. >> watch commencement speeches. by business leaders, politicians, and white house officials on c-span. >> next, vice president joe biden talks about economic inequality and his queer -- career in politics. he introduced the urban league. league andthe urban is introduced by the president of the urban league. [applause] vice president -- >> good morning, urban leaguers. as we prepare to greet the vice president, let me thank all of you for three tremendous days here in our nation's capital engaging, walking, speaking, talking, and pushing -- and
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pushing the very important agenda for the people. give yourselves a warm round of applause. and while there are many, many important people here in the audience, i would be remiss if i did not acknowledge the presence, first, once again of the congresswoman from the great state of ohio and the city of columbus, joyce beatty, along with former secretary of labor and now senior vice chair of the national urban league board of trustees, the honorable alexis herman. in 2009, when we met in chicago, and we asked the vice president to come the vice president came. in 2014 when we met in cincinnati and we asked the vice president to join us, the vice president came and joined us.
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i am proud this morning once again to welcome to the national urban league the honorable joe biden. now, as i prepare the main street marshall plan i shared with you during the release of the 2016 state of black america on tuesday, i reflected on the following words of vice president biden's memoir, "promises to keep." in that memoir he wrote, in the days to come, we will be tested on whether we have the moral courage, the realism, the idealism, the tenacity and the ability to sacrifice some of the current comfort to invest in the future. joe biden is a friend to the urban league movement through every step of his career. in helping us get the affiliate under way in wilmington, delaware, over a decade ago. he's exemplified moral courage, idealism, and tenacity as a champion for civil rights,
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workers' rights, and the rights of communities of color. with great gratitude for his unwavering dedication and the greatest respect, i am proud to present vice president biden with a 2016 lifetime achievement award for his leadership and service. ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of the national urban league, the urban league movement, the people we represent all across the nation, i am proud to present to you, the vice president of the united states, joe biden. [applause] vice president biden: hello, everybody. please, sit down.
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as they say in parts of my state, my city, my name is joe biden and y'all are the one that brung me to the dance. you think i'm kidding, i'm not kidding. you know, he's still a mayor. that's how we got to know one another years ago. mr. mayor, i base the significance of the award i receive, the few that i do, on the consequence of the organization presenting the award. i mean it sincerely. and you do the same thing all of you. the consequence and people behind the award. and this means a lot to me. this means a lot to me. joyce, i was in your hometown yesterday, eating jenny's ice
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cream. and joyce, joyce represents a district which includes a town that most people realize is one of the biggest towns in the state, cities in the state, and we were doing something that joyce fought a long time for. i want folks to know. is that we are changing administratively the rule on what constitutes overtime. it's going to give a pay raise to well over 4.5 million people who deserve it. people who are mislabeled management, who are working 70 hours a week and getting paid for 40. well, we changed that yesterday. and we did it in your hometown. i heard mark, when i was standing back stage, say, when you invited me i came. y'all can't get rid of me. i've been chasing you my whole
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career. and i meant what i said, although we did not have an urban league in wilmington for the longest time. i got my start with the naacp. and i literally mean got my start. when i was a kid, i was no great shakes but i was involved in the civil rights movement, sitting in black churches on sundays, getting ready to go out and march and it was interesting, there was a guy named jim gillian, who was a great, great, great civil rights leader in my town. he moved into delaware right around the time i was getting started as a young lawyer, i got out of law school and had a good job with what they call a white shoe law firm and one day after six months and a federal court case, they were honorable men and women, we won this court case, representing a corporation and i realized, this ain't for me. i walked catty-corner across
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what we call rodney square, to the basement of the building that housed the public defender's office and asked for a job as a public defender. my town had been in flames. i graduated in 1968, i came home, like all of you, my two heroes, i don't have a lot of heroes, there's a lot of people i admire but two heroes i had were dr. king and bobby kennedy. dr. king got assassinated that spring and my town was one of the towns that literally went up in flames. we were the only town since reconstruction occupied by the national guard for nine months, drawn bayonets, people standing on the corners. i realized i was in the wrong line of work. i'm not suggesting the other line of work, that there was anything not honorable about it. but it didn't move me. and so along came this guy named
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jim gillian. he was an incredible, incredible guy. and i had a guy named tony allen working for me. tony worked for me, he said he wanted to get a ph.d. i said go ahead and get one, you're working for me. then the son of a gun left me. he got a ph.d. and figured, i'm way ahead of biden. i've got to move on. but all kidding aside, jim gillian tapped tony and he started the effort. and so, you have been -- you've been incredible. for the past 100 years, the urban league has led the fight for racial justice and with an emphasis all the time on economic opportunity. not just basic fairness but economic opportunity. i was saying to some of my younger staff members talking about as i prepared for this last night, flying back from
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your hometown, i said you know, naacp and many others and all of you, those of us who played little parts like me, you know, got rosa from the back of the bus to the front of the bus, but you guys have been working like the devil to make sure rosa's son and grandson can own the bus company. [applause] vice president biden: it matters. and you all recognize that institutions, recognize the overwhelming accomplishments of the legacy of institutional racism which we still live with. i know i speak out too loudly sometimes but i make no apologies for it. not a joke. i make no apologies for it. sometimes it's uncomfortable but these are uncomfortable times. you've got to shake the status quo a little bit.
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you know, we see this institutional racism exists today in voting. in children's education. in the very makeup of our neighborhoods. housing patterns. employment, transportation. access to transportation. you know, for more than 100 years, members of this storied organization have awakened the american people to the realities in our midst because you share the view that if we let the rest of the country know what the problem is honestly, they'll react to it. folks aren't bad folks, most folks. they just don't know what's going on. they're working like the devil just to put three squares on the table a day. they're working like hell to make sure they take care of their own families. they're not familiar in a real sense until you bring it to them. you bring it to them. and so, we found out that what happened is, the urban league
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executive director back when i was a kid, he was one of the guys we all looked to, whitney young, he proposed a dramatic marshall plan. not unlike what the mayor is talking about but it was consequential at the time. it became the foundation for johnson's war on poverty. i never knew lyndon johnson, the year i got elected was the year he died. i attended his funeral as a 30-year-old kid who just got elected to the united states senate. for all the downsides about the war this guy did more than anyone else for civil rights. that war on poverty was about medicaid, an institution. but he knew that if an african-american child or a working family didn't have access to health care, to be healthy, everything got lost. everything got lost.
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medicaid. medicaid was the single biggest beneficiary immediately with the african-american community. there had been no health care. coming into those communities. housing. the fact of the matter is, because he knew that african-americans couldn't achieve economic success, unless they lived in safe places. a playground you could send your kid to and not worry they're going to come home beat up. send them to public school, you know if they did well they had a chance. just a chance. a chance. to maybe, maybe, maybe go to college. maybe. only 7% did those days. we're still not that far along but it's 20% today. but only 7%. head start. because he knew, they knew, long before anybody wanted to admit
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it that it really mattered, it really mattered, those early years. we now know it matters from the time you bring the baby home from the hospital. we know it matters. we know there's so much we could do. but it mattered. head start was all about saying, the fact of the matter is you're behind the curb, going to school. we've got to give you a head start. the head start wasn't to get ahead, it was to maybe, maybe catch up. maybe catch up. all those guys talking about bell curves back in those days, remember, about how black children did not have the same cognitive capability of white children, give me a break. no really. thank god a lot of young people in the room maybe won't remember that. but that was standard operating procedure. that's what head start in part was about.
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pell grants. i've been, as some of you know, i've been an incredibly strong supporter of hbcu's. they used to be hbc's. now it's hbcu's. i think i've been on more hbcu campuses as vice president than anybody who has ever had that job because it has been become, it was, it was the -- it was sort of the -- sort of a big sign back there that said hope. you know. hope. hope. and pell grants. what are pell grants about? it wasn't just african-americans but you had to be poor. you had to have a low income. and we give you assistance to get to college. that you couldn't get before. guess what? the majority of black folks were poor.
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so it mattered. it mattered. and job corps. president knew he couldn't see economic success without a stable, decent paying job. the whole point was, it didn't the whole point was, it didn't solve the problems. but it's the first time in my view in our history a president faced squarely the economic realities of what was 250 years of institutional racism. some of it not intended but just built into the system, baked into the cake. baked into the cake. and it mattered. mr. mayor, everything you guys have done and worked on has been worked off of. those basic fundamental principles that underlie every one of the great society's programs. it's always talk about the money and whether it's wasted or not.
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it was the principle behind each of these things. the democratic party just finally established, put a stamp on it. so nobody argues today that malnutrition doesn't affect mental, developmental capability. back then, it was viewed as separate. no one argues today. we argue about whether we're going to do anything about it. but i'm serious. think about it. and so, the irony here is that when the president and i took office, you all know, the economy was in free fall. i'm not going to recount how bad it was. you know how bad it was, because it was particularly bad for poor folk, and particularly bad for african-american and hispanic poor folk. they were hit the hardest.
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last in, first out. if they were in, they were out. before i lowered my right hand from being sworn in on january 20, we'd already lost 776, i think that's the number, 776,000 jobs that month alone. we lost over 800,000 before the month ended. and for the next four months, we lost 800,000 jobs a month. so when the president and i, an d we did, the president and i, with real expert help, but we sat on the 60th, 70th story of that building in chicago during the interregnum period between being elected and being sworn in, putting together the cabinet and putting together the details of what we were going to do, we came up with a thing called the recovery act. turned out to be almost $1 trillion. thanks to the help of the
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congresswoman in here and the congressmen and senators, we barely passed it. remember, my friend harlan specter, i convinced to change parties. he voted with us, and it passed. literally. not figuratively, literally. it was not passed until that point. it not only kept the economy, now 85, i think that's the number, the university of chicago, a brilliant institution, not the most liberal one, the school of chicago -- the chicago school of economics, i think they said 84% of economists said it helped prevent depression or raise us out of a significant recession. but we wanted to do more than that. you tell me if i'm taking too much time, ok? [laughter] sorry. but i think this is really -- it's the reason why we're in, the reason why we're doing what
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we are doing, man. i come from a wealthy state of delaware. i've always gotten great support. i won big in the state. won seven times in the senate. in the corporate state of america, i don't have anything against rich folk, i mean that. they're as patriotic as poor folks, but they don't need me. rich folks don't need me to look out for their interests. that's not why i ran. that's not why i got involved. protect their security, but they're going to do ok without joe biden out there hollering for them. unless you all are hollering for the people we're with, they're not going to do ok. they're not going to do ok. so here's the point. the thing that's missed about the recovery act that we didn't advertise it, didn't hide it, but didn't advertise it. we used that almost $1 trillion, $840 billion, i think it was, spent in it 18 months, and by
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the way, every outside group, you may remember when the president said sheriff joe will now enforce it. sheriff joe is proud. every outside organization points out, less than .2% wasted fraud. the most significantly administered, biggest program in american history. and no fraud or waste. but here's the point. built inside that was a way to begin to change the way we governed. oh yeah, it was all this money for stimulus, but take a look. it had $100 billion spent in 18 months for education. the largest single investment in one fell swoop. $100 billion we spent. you thank god we had a guy like arne duncan who knew what he was doing. $50 billion went into your cities to stabilize schools in inner cities. $50 billion.
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look at all the inner city neighborhoods, down in louisiana, down in your old city of new orleans. what would have happened? these kids were already behind. they lose 25% of their teachers, they close, they get doubled up, classroom size increases by 50%. they learn less. and they're further behind. $50 billion. went in just to keep teachers on the job. we focused on improving the lowest performing schools, to which too often are the only schools the only ones available , to african-american children. $15 billion in there for housing because african-american , families invested disproportionate share of their wealth in their homes. $50 billion for transportation. joe, what the hell does that
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have to do with african-americans? guess what, guys, any of you from my age of 45 200 and seven -- o 107 [laughter] by the way, one of my favorite athletes is satchel paige and one of the reasons why, he didn't get to the majors because of jim crow, he didn't get to the majors until he was 45. pitched a win when he was 47. sports writers came in and said, satch, 47, no one has ever pitched a win at that age. how do you feel, a win on your birthday? 47 years old. he said, that's not how i look at age. how do you look at age? he said, i look at it this way. how old would you be if you didn't know how old you are? i'm 42. [laughter] but here's the point. we talked about in undergraduate school and graduate school and a lot of you studied about urban sprawl. remember? halloween out cities. hollowingen out --
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out cities. guess what. the millenials are moving back to cities faster than any time in modern history. but here's what we have now. we have job sprawl. so the jobs are in the counties. our folks are in the cities. you have a disproportionate share of african-americans living in cities who to not own an automobile. in the city of detroit, which i spent a lot of time in, 26% don't -- families don't own an automobile. you can't have a job if you can't get there to the interview. so we've put a lot of money into transportation. meaning, everything from street cars to buses to rail transit. connecting inner cities to the suburbs. show you how things have changed, i remember i was a county council person, in new castle county, delaware.
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when i was there in 1970, it was the fastest growing county in america for the metropolitan standard district they're in. and remember that program that used to be on, the one with allen funt, what was it called? "candid camera." to make the point about my state of delaware, there's a four-lane access highway that goes from downtown wilmington into pennsylvania on the way to chester, pennsylvania. and there's a big median strip right as you cross the line from pennsylvania -- delaware to pennsylvania. and allen funt had a giant sign erected, like a billboard, in the median strip saying, dover, delaware closed today, overcrowded. [laughter] and people turned around. people were stopping and turning around, going back. but guess what, we were going fast. i was bright young councilman, i was 27 years old, and i said why don't we have better
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transportation? i put together a whole big deal about transit and bus transit and i couldn't get votes for it. , you know what i find out? finally at a town meeting they said, we don't want them coming out here. not a joke. remember? those of you old enough, remember? you all got to get out there to get a job. we cut the payroll tax by $120 billion. payroll tax. every working african-american got a pay cut if they had a job. we put $40 billion in there for emergency unemployment benefits, remember they weren't paying unemployment benefits or extending unemployment benefits? it didn't just help african-americans, it helped everybody in need. but disproportionately, you all were hit the hardest. so you benefited the most from it. look, we tried to do a mini
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version of adding on of what you are trying to do right now. look, we tackled what we believed would be the most important elements of the -- to generate real growth. health care. health care. the affordable care act. bringing health insurance to 21% of african-americans who had no health insurance. almost a quarter of every african-american before we did this had no health insurance at all. we increased medicaid. look at all the african-american families and poor families in america that have been helped by that. we increased pell grants. pell grants. we made college deductible up to $10,000 over four years. eight million more kids are in college with pell grants. i don't know the number, but a disproportionately high number are african-americans. they're in college now because
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of what you all did. we expanded the earned income tax credit and child tax credit to let 2.8 million african-american families including 1.5 million black children out of poverty just by that one thing. [applause] not enough. through dodd-frank, everybody thinks dodd-frank is we're going on, can't be too big to fail. but guess what? we also set of the consumer protection agency going after payday loans. i don't see a payday loan office in my neighborhood. eight my neighborhood, but guess what? i can take you to all the neighborhoods i worked, and there's a payday loan on every fifth corner. we did one other thing. we started looking at, and one of the things i give my -- you expect me to say this, but i give my deceased son, bo, credit for.
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he was attorney general in the state of delaware, he did a lot, really, he comes from the community, ask anybody from delaware about him. but he was one of the guys that wouldn't go along with our administration's agreement to settle with the banks. and he said, dad, i'm sorry. i said, keep going. [laughter] what? ss he got tens of millions of dollars in refunds. several billion dollars in refunds. but the one thing we focused on, he focused on the fact that a lot of mortgages that were given to african-americans during this period were basically fraudulent. over $110 million in fines because of what happened to african-american families. and with hbcu's, i recently spoke at a commencement at delaware state for the third time, and my swan song as the senator from delaware, i guess i'm the vice president, the vice president from delaware. [laughter]
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i can't get it through my head. i can't get it through my head. look, i was senator -- they're like, no, you're vice president. you're vice president now. [laughter] you all think i'm kidding, i'm not kidding. [laughter] but we all know that hbcu's are vital to helping young african-americans reach the middle class. and we know all the study, you all know the studies about lots of times when the disadvantage of being put into an academically or a circumstance where you are an overwhelming minority and how the social pressure impacts on academic achievement and the rest. that's why an awful lot of very, very successful and consequential black american middle class and upper class families send their kids to hbcu's first before they send them off to harvard and yale and
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other graduate schools. but my point is this. it's important. and that's why the president, and this is the president. i strongly supported it, but in 2010, we committed almost $1 billion, $850 million other 10 -- over 10 years to support hbcu's that are struggling right now. job training programs like the $4 billion trade adjustment act. community college career training fund. how many people we put together, and those of you who represent major cities, how many jobs we connected to community colleges, getting people retrained. so look, we're now pushing for two years free community college. and -- [applause] and i quite frankly think we could afford four years of college at public institutions. but here's the deal. you hear, and one of the things
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that bothers me about my team is democrats, republicans -- i mean, congressmen, senators, and the rest of us, we don't explain how we can afford it. every time we say free community college, it costs $6 billion a year. it does. it would increase the number of people in community college from six million to nine million. it would increase the g.d.p. .2%, which outweighs that by a factor of i don't know what. they go, oh, there goes the big spending democrats. well guess what? we ought to explain how we do this stuff. for example, when i was a senator in the 1980's with reagan, we had, in the tax code , about $700 billion a year in tax expenditures, fancy word for tax loopholes. some legit, some not. mortgage deductions -- they're all supposed to have, either
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promote investment or promote growth or meet a social need. well, that's now $1,300,000,000,000 that doesn't go in the treasury we didn't collect because of tax loopholes. all you've got to go out there is go out there, to pay for it, there's a thing called stepped up bases. your daddy or mommy can buy $1 million worth of stock. doesn't have to be $1 million, could be $10 worth of stock. a year later, it's worth $2 million, and they sell it. they have to pay capital gains tax on the million dollar increase. it's less than the tax rate they're in but you have to pay a tax. but if the day before daddy sells it and passes away, god for bid, and leaves ito marry or jamaal or whatever, guess what? they don't pay any tax. it's called stepped up bases. there's no tax paid. because it starts off the basis of what the person who inherited
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that. you know how much that costs the treasury every year? $17 billion a year. it affects -- they're good people. it affects .3% to .4% of the american public. they are already wealthy, and they are good people. the last thing they need is another $17 billion tax cut. there's no evidence it increases productivity in any way. it is not a punishment, there is just no evidence. if you took $6 billion of that $17 billion, you'll increase gdp by 2%, raising everybody up. and you're going to have a better educated public, cutting in half the cost of four-year colleges, and you have another $11 billion reduce the deficit. so we've got to start arguing with our republican friends when they start telling us about how all this stuff costs so much money. we're the ones talking about increased productivity. we're the ones talking about better training for people to
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have jobs in the future, etc. so i guess what i'm trying to say is the recovery act calls for the most aggressive support for cities in the history of the united states. it embedded experts across the government and the city halls to help mayors tackle the biggest problems, new bus systems, broadband network in fresno, california, new roads, walkways in youngstown, ohio. so young children could walk to school safely. greenways connecting historically segregated sides of rocky mountain, north carolina. i could go on and on and on. but as much technical assistance as our exports gave cities, the cities taught us a lot more. how to work around the old top-down, one size fits all. working directly with cities forming lasting partnerships , rather than just a voice on the telephone from d.c. i gave you -- i gave you a number of examples, but let me talk about one city for just a second, detroit. my legislative guy, don graves,
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he was the point person for the entire effort to bring detroit back off its back, onto its knees, and up to its feet, and he helped them leapfrog over where they had been. they've got a great mayor there who moved back in and is doing an incredible job. we provided technical support for 600,000 new l.e.d. streetlights, saving the city $3 million a year, but guess what? lighting up the parts of the city that had no lights and weren't safe at all. now the city is no longer in the darkness. kids can walk home from school after dark. more than 800 abandoned homes were demolished. as you take down the abandoned home, you increase the value of other homes. now people are moving back in, buying homes that are being reconstructed. they are homes that are worth it. if they were in washington dc or a suburban area they'd be worth $150,000 to $250,000.
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people are moving back in. communities that have -- up to now, they were havens for illicit activity. homeowners see equity in their homes for the first time in decades. $80 million to help by those 80 new buses so people could get those jobs, work those jobs, come home. now people can get to work and get to school. they get to their families. as i said, by the way, nationwide, 35% of african-americans don't have an automobile. to be able to get to work. despite our successes, we -- the recovery hasn't been easily -- evenly shared. when i spoke to this organization in 2014, i quoted dr. king when he said in the 1967 southern leadership conference speech in atlanta, he said, where do we go from here? and then he answered his own question and he said, we first have to honestly recognize where we are now. i apologize for repeating what i said in 2014, but i think it's still a relevant question. where do we go from here? where do we go? we have to honestly recognize
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where we are right now. where things stand right now. we've made great progress. high school graduation rates for african-americans are the highest they've ever been. steep follow-up from african-american unemployment 8.5%. as much progress as we have made, preliminaries and hispanics lag behind their white counterparts. 26% of african-americans live in poverty. unemployment for black workers is twice that of white workers. median income for white workers is nearly double that of black families. wealth for the typical white family is seven times that of the typical african-american family. i could go on and on, you all know it. equities, income, wealth, they're rooted in inequities in opportunity, and they're rooted deeply in institutional racism most people don't even look at, don't even see. they don't even understand it exists. we can't pretend that children of different races who have the same -- have the same
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opportunities right now in this country even when they have the same capabilities and same background. 40% of black children live in poverty, and over half of black children are born poor, stay poor. double the rate of white children born poor who stay poor. i'm not comparing apples and oranges. compare apples and apples. one in three american children live in a house that has food insecurity. black kids his dad didn't graduate from high school are more likely not to see their dad -- are more likely to see their dad in prison before they turn 14 than in a job. institutional racism exists today, we're only slowly beginning to acknowledge it. we acknowledge it, i won't go into it now. there is a whole other speech black lives matter is a , recognition of institutional racism, but it is well beyond, well beyond what happens in terms of enforcement. let me give you a few examples. look what's happened since the supreme court ruled on the voting rights act.
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supreme court gutted the voting rights act. it's been an assault on the most basic of our civil rights, the right to vote. this year for the first time in a presidential campaign, 10 states will be enforcing restrictive voting laws that didn't exist last election. even though they can't show any evidence that there was any in-person voter fraud. ok? we're fighting this in court from the justice department every day including pushing , congress to restore the voting rights act. but it's a reality. what happened overnight? where was this great fraud? that all of a sudden occurred , other than the fraud -- it's not fraud, they got elected, other than the republicans taking over the house and senate. [laughter] i'm serious. tell me, what changed other than that? and taking over the governors' seats. housing. compare where black middle class families and white middle class families with the same or similar income can live.
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the key to where they can live is where they can get an affordable mortgage. and whether the real estate broker will sell them a house in the first place. but black families are not being given the same opportunities to break into stable communities with the best schools, because they can't get a mortgage. same income. background. we're pursuing this. the red lining that i fought for, and when i was on the banking committee, i was one of the first guys to support, draft the red lining legislation you all ended up getting passed in the 1970's, still goes on today. but it's a different way. they don't red line. but it's just as destructive. you can't get a mortgage. we acted finding -- fining $110 million in shady lending practices.
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but the result is the same. black families live in neighborhoods where the average income of their neighbors is $10,000 to $20,000 -- $10,000 to $12,000 less than a neighborhood where a comparable white family would live with the same income. and the children of black families don't have the same opportunities. there's powerful research that confirms that what you've all known for a long time, neighborhoods, the schools, the neighborhood the opportunities, , the social norms of the neighborhood, are critical in shaping children's mores, shaping their opportunities. and children from those middle class families who can't move in to a neighborhood that has those norms, they don't get the higher income neighborhoods. and they lose opportunity. but they have the same economic power on paper. education.
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black kids don't get the same access to good schools and resources that their white counterparts do. it's not surprising that the average black child arrives to school the first day of kindergarten than the average white child. you know the numbers. these gaps start even earlier. for example, by the time a 3-year-old child in a low income family gets to -- by the time they're 3, they will have heard 10,000 words spoken. compare that to the average middle class, not just white but black, middle class family in the middle class neighborhood. they'll have heard 30 million words spoken. just spoken. not how many -- not how big your vocabulary is, just spoken. 10 million versus 30 million. all of you know, you were taught by your mothers, talk to your baby. constantly talk. that's how they learn. that's how they absorb. we can't let anyone define down
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the capability of black children, which is what is happening. we have to expect much, much more from our children. my mother had an expression, children tend to become that which you expect of them. don't dumb it down. [applause] that's why with your help, we're fighting like the devil for funding of early universal education and professional development, teacher quality, to reach children in low income neighborhoods because it matters , when you get them earlier. that's why we're fighting for, as i said, two years community college, because 12 years of education -- look, if your kids, your grandkids are going to write a senior thesis at a university 15 years from now, and they're going to look back and say, why didn't they know that it mattered how early you intervened? and what made them think that 12
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years of education was enough in the 21st century? what made anybody think that? the rest of the world has awakened. the reason why we were so dominant is we were the first nation in the world, including our european friends, to have 12 years of universal education. beginning in the 1950's and 1960's, other nations started to catch up. folks, 12 years isn't enough. look, we have come a lot way, but a lot more has to be done. let me conclude by saying it comes down to one thing. every week deserves a fair shot. -- everybody deserves a fair shot. asian hispanic, black, are capable of doing extraordinary things if you give them a shot. just give them the tools. foundation.
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equal access to the same education. a safe neighborhood. a job. transportation get to a job. health care. we just need a chance. you all know it. we just level the playing field a little bit. but folks, the president has sacrificed and struggled, it should not fall to those who are suffering and struggling. to grow something for my book i have not heard in a long time, we all, we all, we offer our own safety's sake, we'll be sacrifice a little bit, all of us. we used to be one america, i really mean it, where we thought about things in terms of everybody has responsibility, which everybody talks about this possibility in a community. obligations. has everybody has obligations.
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and the sacrifice is not great, but the reward is enormous. so i am deeply honored to have this lifetime achievement award. but we are not done yet. and i will be right here with you, whether i am in office or out of office, and soon i will be out of office. i have never been game for employment in my life. [laughter] i don't know what the hell i have going to do. i never cast a paycheck in my entire life. cashed a paycheck in my entire life. i will need your advice from some of you, but i want to stay involved. i will be right here pushing an ex-president to level the playing field -- next president to level the playing field. ordinary people do it ordinary
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things. the neighborhood i come from, remember the last campaign i will not mention in particular, but i got offended when one of the candidates say i worked at mcdonald's, and i had dreams. i worked there and i didn't have dreams? i didn't have dreams in my neighborhood? i didn't have dreams were why can't i played ball? my parents didn't have dreams for them. there is this thing that is a risen, not bad people, but they have this distorted notion that somehow, if you come from a means or of background, you are educated, somehow you dream differently than we do. i am serious, think about it. not a joke. think about it. have you ever known a mother in that didn'thborhood
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dream for their kid to go to college and her heart even though she dropped out of school in fourth grade and maybe struggling now? have you ever known a family in a tough neighborhood or a barrio that no dreams for the kids? so give people a chance. i am proud to be associated with you all. god bless you for what you have done, and may god protect our troops, and i apologize for getting so much into this. [applause] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2016] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org]
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announcer: c-span's washington journal with policy issues that impact you. coming up on friday morning, the chief policy editor for morning consult will be on to discuss the new labor department overtime rule. and then the director for the sunlight foundation will talk about the deal between the rnc and the trump campaign and the fundraiser for the general election. he also discusses sources that say mr. trump is planning to aim -- raise more than $2 million. and the reporter of the military times the breakdown that national defense authorization act passed by the house on wednesday night. be sure to watch beginning live at 7:00 eastern
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